Ieuan Gwynedd Jones. National Library of Wales journal. 1978, Winter Volume XX/4
Extracted onto the pages of GENUKI with the kind permission of the National Library of Wales
This is a complete extract of this article (Gareth Hicks May 2003)
AT the consecration of Llanddeiniol new church in October 1835 the Reverend John Hughes, vicar of Llanbadarn Fawr (and later Archdeacon of Cardigan) preached from the text 'Surely I will not go into the tabernacle of my house, nor go up into my bed; I
AT the consecration of Llanddeiniol new church in October 1835 the Reverend John Hughes, vicar of Llanbadarn Fawr (and later Archdeacon of Cardigan) preached from the text 'Surely I will not go into the tabernacle of my house, nor go up into my bed; I will not give sleep unto mine eyes, or slumber to mine eyelids, until I find out a place for the Lord, an habitation for the mighty God of Jacob' (Psalm 132, 2-5). 1 In the course of his sermon the reverend gentleman drew analogies between a Jerusalem bereft of its temple and a deanery of Llanbadarn Fawr sorely lacking places of worship and he could, given the circumstances, be forgiven his rhetoric and rhodomontade. In fact, if there was one thing the deanery did not lack in the 1830s it was places of worship, and the Victorian era in this district was all era of extreme religiosity. As we shall see, churches were added from time to time, but basically what we have to observe during that period is the reconstitution of church life, its inward adaptation and its outward reconstruction in the face of changing circumstances.
It would not be difficult to show that this part of Cardiganshire was in some important yet mysterious respects deeply religious. The contribution of Cardiganshire as a whole to the religious life of Britain has been enormous, and one which is probably almost as old as the coming of Christianity itself. The furthest ecclesiastical point in the vast parish of Llanbadarn Fawr --- sixteen long and heavy miles from the parish church --- is the chapelry of Yspyty Cynfyn with its ancient church set like an exotic jewel in a Celtic stone circle. The name Llanbadarn itself sends the mind reeling back through the centuries to its foundation in the Age of the Saints and to its role as a cathedral and abbey church under the native dynasties, while the name 'Yspyty' reminds us of the existence of that indigenous Cistercian House of Strata Florida whose influence, cultural and religious, on this part of its domaine was immense throughout the centuries. One thinks of the Methodist Revivals of the eighteenth century, and it is a peculiarity of that extraordinary continuing experience that one of its epicentres was at Llangeitho, and that the southern part of the county, within the immediate influence as it were of that little village, continued to spawn out a succession of revivals long after the other religious centre at Trevecca had lost its heat and been dampened in the formal life of an academic institution. And not only the southern part of the county. The most astounding revival of Victorian times in a succession of revivals long after the other religious centre at Trevecca had lost its heat and been dampened in the formal life of an academic institution. And not only the southern part of the county. The most astounding revival of Victorian times in Wales began only a few miles from here at Tre'rddol and Ystumtuen, Bontgoch and Pontrhydygroes, and Yspyty Ystwyth in 1858-9. And the last great Welsh revival --- that of 1904-5 likewise began in the southern seaside parishes of the county.
We might allude also to other remarkable facts to show the religious vigour of these parts. Here is the home of Tractarianism in Wales, and Llangorwen was the first Tractarian church in Wales. 2 Indeed, the Ecclesiologist proclaimed it to..................
................ be 'a church as it should be ... One of the most complete and successful imitations of ancient models that the present age has produced' . 3 It was no accident that it should have been founded here and I hope to show that much that was characteristic in its worship was already present in the worshipping customs of many other churches. Then, going off in another direction, one could point to the long and honourable educational activities of churchmen in these parts. Ystrad Meurig, just to the north of the deanery, was famous for its grammar school long before and long after Bishop Burgess founded Lampeter in 1826. Indeed, one wonders where the Anglican Church would have recruited their priests in Wales if it had not been for the readiness of North Cardiganshire men to enter the church. Archdeacon David Evans (a Llanrhystud man) in his Recollections published in 1904, actually lists 59 men who had to his knowledge entered the ministry from that one parish in his own lifetime, and the Rev. Lewis Evans told his cousin, Isaac Williams, of Cwmcynfelin that 'there are more young men educated for Holy Orders from Llanfihangel Geneu'r Glyn and neighbourhood than any other given locality in Wales'. 4 One would need to know what was the quality of the education they received, but the fact that Rowland Williams---'Bunsen's reviewer' in Essays and Reviews --- was Vice-Principal at Lampeter from 1850 to 1862 should give us pause, as also should the fact that it was still customary for young men who could not afford the £50 fees of Lampeter to go much more cheaply to Ystrad Meurig or (sometimes the best alternative) to a Dissenting Academy.
I stated at the beginning that the main problem facing the church in the deanery was not merely or mainly a shortage of churches. This was certainly the case when the movement for reform of the church began in the early 1830s. The main problems then and for a considerable time after were the inexorable facts of dilapidation. With the exception of the Chapel of St. Michael's in the borough of Aberystwyth and new buildings to serve new districts, such as Llangorwen (1841), Elerch (1868), St. Mary's Aberystwyth (1873), Penrhyncoch (1881) and Trinity (1886), 5 the activity was confined to rebuilding or reconstructing existing churches, or, in a few cases, carrying out extensive repair works. Dilapidation was the curse of the church in North Cardiganshire. This was true throughout rural Wales, as 5 the activity was confined to rebuilding or reconstructing existing churches, or, in a few cases, carrying out extensive repair works. Dilapidation was the curse of the church in North Cardiganshire. This was true throughout rural Wales, as the Incorporated Church Building Society had come to recognize by 1851. 'Many of the churches in Wales are in a much more dilapidated condition than any in England, and yet, like those in the latter country, are susceptible of complete restoration'. 6 Of the 14 churches and chapels in the deanery in the early 1830s, no less than 12 were either completely rebuilt or otherwise heavily restored on account of the desperately poor state of the fabric. 'Damp and uncomfortable', 'in a state of disrepair', 'very dilapidated' --- these are the reasons one finds in Vestry Books, in Faculties petitioned for and granted, and in articles of consecration. 7
This raises some interesting questions. To what extent were these churches in fact as bad as they were stated to be? There is always a subjective element in judgments of that kind, and fashion and changing sensibilities exert an influence. The Visitation Queries and Answers, both Wardens' and Ministers', often give ..............
.................. the impression that all is well with the fabric, yet a few years later a church has disappeared and a new one built because of the alleged dilapidation, dampness or inconvenience of the old. There is no denying that most were in a very bad way. Archdeacon David Evans in his book of recollections 8 describes how cold and uncomfortable was Llanrhystud, with its shuttered windows, its earth-floor 'Mixed with the bones of our ancestors', its few pews and cruelly hard benches. Moreover, they had been like this for many, many years, and one suspects that they were no worse and no better at the beginning of the nineteenth century than they had been at the beginning of the eighteenth. One would not wish to play down the dilapidations endemic in the churches of the region, but at the same time one might suggest that the sudden and sustained burst of restoration should be regarded as an indicator of a deep change in fashion. People's apprehension of reality changes, as does their ideal of religious behaviour. That is to say, church restoration is a symptom of cultural change --- of rejection of the old and the acceptance of the new.
One sees this from time to time in the petitions for faculties for reconstruction. What exactly is meant by 'Unfit for divine service' in the Llanddeiniol petition of 1833. 9 Or old St. Michael's in 1831 --- when at the previous episcopal visitation the wardens declared the building to be satisfactory? 10 One suspects that incumbents were looking for ways of getting rid of the old box pews in order to replace them with benched open pews. By the mid-Victorian years this is quite clear. Llanilar was entirely reconstructed in order to make it 10 One suspects that incumbents were looking for ways of getting rid of the old box pews in order to replace them with benched open pews. By the mid-Victorian years this is quite clear. Llanilar was entirely reconstructed in order to make it possible to perform modern liturgical forms of service. 'Pews badly made originally, now out of repair, uncomfortable to sit in and most inconvenient for kneeling --- a general wish on the part of the congregation for open seats and a better arrangement of the whole internal fittings, especially, of the chancel. The space around the altar being so limited by the pews ... as to render difficult a reverent receiving of the Holy Communion; and above all, to render the building generally more worthy of them to whose service is dedicated'. 11 Here we have a religious or liturgical revolution, with its popular undertones, demanding a reconstruction of the internal arrangements along more democratic, or religiously equal, lines. But Mr. Parry of Llidiarde, the local squire, insisted on a first choice of eight sittings for himself and four for his servants! The plans for the new church at Yspyty Ystrad-meurig were criticized for leaving too narrow a step at the altar for the priest to kneel at. 12 That was towards the end of the century and by then the aspirations and changing fashions of the few at the beginning of the century had become the accepted norm of the many.
Equally an obsession with Victorian clergymen and laymen was the pressing need to provide accommodation where it was needed. This was a problem aggravated by the enormous size of the parishes. The 14 churches served an area of 174,000 acres. Llanbadarn Fawr itself covered 52,750 acres, Llanfihangel Geneu'r Glyn 32,825, and Llanfihangel y Creuddyn 22,553. The boundaries, of course, were medieval and represented the enclosing of territories sufficient to provide the incomes for incumbents (and in some cases for the appropriators..................
........................ of the livings, for there were no rectories, as we shall see). For centuries these vast hill parishes had supported their sparse pastoral populations and the parish churches and the few chapels of ease had supplied such means of grace as was demanded. Demand changed in response to the operation of two main forces, the one physical, the other spiritual. The first was the growth and the redistribution of population, and possibly it was the redistribution which was of most immediate relevance to the clergy. 13 The villages, especially those in the valley bottoms and in the coastal region almost certainly expanded, but much more serious was the appearance of entirely new communities settled around the lead-mines. Most of these were situated in areas very distant from the parish churches, as in Cwmsymlog, Goginan, Ystumtuen, Cwm Ystwyth, the hinterland of Talybont, and Elerch, and other places. There was an obvious need for chapels of ease in strategic places. The other factor was equally powerful, namely, the demand being made for the means of religious worship. The nonconformists were the quickest off the mark : indeed, it was they, and particularly the Calvinistic Methodists, who created the demand in the first place --- who stimulated that enormous ly, the demand being made for the means of religious worship. The nonconformists were the quickest off the mark : indeed, it was they, and particularly the Calvinistic Methodists, who created the demand in the first place --- who stimulated that enormous hydroptic thirst for spiritual things which periodically exploded in revivals and which by mid-century had resulted in an extraordinary chapel-building activity throughout the deanery. (In an area exactly continuous with the deanery there were by 1905 no hydroptic thirst for spiritual things which periodically exploded in revivals and which by mid-century had resulted in an extraordinary chapel-building activity throughout the deanery. (In an area exactly continuous with the deanery there were by 1905 no less than 105 chapels and schoolrooms) . 14
Hence, the response of the church from the 1830s onwards. Capel Bangor, built in exactly the style of Eglwysfach, was opened in 1839 to accommodate the growing communities of the neighbourhood, mainly leadminers from nearby Goginan and the slopes of the Ystwyth. Llangorwen in 1841, as is well known, was sui generis, but it is important to note that the petition of Matthew Davies Williams of Cwmcynfelin and Wallog pleaded the inadequate means of religious instruction to the demands of the populous and increasing parish of Llanbadarn Fawr. 15 St. Peter's, Elerch was built by Lewis Gilbertson and his family for the same reason --- the means of religious worship being inadequate in a valley busily being exploited for its lead. 16 St. Mary's, Aberystwyth was built for the Welsh population --- to enable the authorities to achieve what was always a major aim of the Welsh hierarchy in the Victorian church, namely, to keep the two languages separate. 17 St. Mathew's, Borth was opened in 1879 --- in this case a direct response to the building of the railway and an investment in seaside-resort business. 18 Penrhyncoch, consecreated in 1881 was situated like a Norman castle at the ancient crossroads into and out of the mine-bearing valleys. 19 Finally, Trinity in Aberystwyth in 1886-8, 20 and the new St. Michael's in 1890. 21 Of these, Eglwysfach (in 1855), Elerch (1868), Trinity (1887) and Penrhyncoch (1901) 22 were made into District Chapelries, so that by the end of the century the deanery had no less than 18 places of worship and in addition was holding services in some other unconsecrated buildings, such as the school at Penparcau. 23
None of this undoubted increase in efficiency was accomplished without cost, and here the church faced what was undoubtedly its greatest obstacle, poverty.
Apart, perhaps, from the town of Aberystwyth itself, the deanery was probably the poorest part of the county and one of the poorest in Wales. Its economic resources were small and the wealth that was produced exceedingly unevenly divided. 'The inhabitants of the parish', wrote the incumbent of Llanafan, Rev. D. E. Jones to the Church Building Society in December 1836, 'with the exception of a few persons hereinafter named, are persons of low and narrow circumstances in life, being either employed in the mine works, or as labourers under Agriculturists of the neighbourhood. The seven or eight farmers in the parish are of limited means, excepting one Proprietor ... 24 Dr. Turner, the Medical Officer of the Privy Council reported in 1866 that 'the children pine for want of food as soon as weaned', and gave it as his opinion that were it not for the prevailing mild weather the people would all die. 25
Poverty of the masses, however, was something distinct from the poverty of the Church: the two were linked only in that their causes were not singular but common, and insofar as the Church given the prevailing religious climate of nonconformity, could
Poverty of the masses, however, was something distinct from the poverty of the Church: the two were linked only in that their causes were not singular but common, and insofar as the Church given the prevailing religious climate of nonconformity, could not look to the general population for assistance. It could look only to its own resources and to the assistance it could expect from its natural allies, the gentry. These latter, where they were patrons and impropriators, in any case had a legal obligation as well as a religious duty to assist. In North Cardiganshire, as in the county generally, lay patrons outnumbered ecclesiastical patrons but by no stretch of the imagination can they be said to have fulfilled their duties with a proper regard for the on as well as a religious duty to assist. In North Cardiganshire, as in the county generally, lay patrons outnumbered ecclesiastical patrons but by no stretch of the imagination can they be said to have fulfilled their duties with a proper regard for the spiritual welfare of their inferiors. The advowsons of new churches were always kept within the church itself or vested in ecclesiastical persons. 26
Much more serious was the poverty due to the alienation of tithes to laymen. There was only one rectory in the deanery worth only £93: all the livings were impropriated and only one of these to an ecclesiastical corporation --- (the end result being the same, of course). The most notorious of the lay impropriators was the family of Chichester from Devonshire, who owned the tithes of no less than nine of the parishes. From these he derived £5,411 annually in tithes. The total income of the incumbents of those nine livings was £1,127 --- an average of £125 p.a., ranging from a high of £221 to a low of £88. Most of this income came from Queen Anne's Bounty or from parliamentary grants: Chichester's contribution in fixed stipends (payable out of his those nine livings was £1,127 --- an average of £125 p.a., ranging from a high of £221 to a low of £88. Most of this income came from Queen Anne's Bounty or from parliamentary grants: Chichester's contribution in fixed stipends (payable out of his £5,411 from tithes) amounted to not more than about £60 or £70 per annum. 27 So far as I have been able to discover J. B. S. Chichester gave not a penny to any of the work of reconstruction and renovation and repair . 28
Chichester influence on the deanery was therefore of critical importance and had maleficent effects. It was poverty caused by his depredations that was the underlying cause of the far too numerous pluralities that existed. Eight of the livings were plural livings, 29 and not until towards the end of the century had this necessary evil been removed and each parish provided with its own resident priest. It accounted also for the poor state of the fabric to which we have alluded, and ..........
................when one considers the great amount of money spent in the restorations and rebuildings we can appreciate that for this to have happened while the deanery was steadily being milked of its substance by Chichester must have involved a tremendous effort on the part of clergy and laymen. Local gentry were very generous, especially the Pryse family of Gogerddan: the Powells of Nanteos less so, perhaps: they insisted on the full market price when negotiating the transfer of the land to the Ecclesiastical Commissioners for the third St. Michael's. But the bulk of the money in the outlying parishes came by voluntary subscriptions, by grants from the Church Building Society, and from the profits of various fundraising community actions. After 1856 the raising of Church rates was no longer attempted in the deanery. 30 A few figures will show what was happening. In the deanery as a whole between 1840 and 1876 a total of £19,660 had been spent on church building and restoration, and of this sum no less than £19,170 had been raised by voluntary subscription, £285 from the Church Building Society and £200 (at Llancynfelyn) by a church rate (in 1834?) . 31 So, this poor county accomplished what was virtually a complete rebuilding and restoration programme out of its own resources, and when we consider the enormous amplitude of nonconformist places of worship going up at the same time, or themselves being rebuilt and restored, it will sufficiently be understood that my original claim about the religiosity of the county holds good.
The fact that two of the new churches were virtually erected, furnished and partially endowed by private families does not affect the argument. Llangorwen and Elerch were wholly untypical in their origin and style. They were certainly deeply untypical
The fact that two of the new churches were virtually erected, furnished and partially endowed by private families does not affect the argument. Llangorwen and Elerch were wholly untypical in their origin and style. They were certainly deeply untypical of the prevailing theological climate of the deanery. The Rev. Owain Jones has argued in his book on Isaac Williams and in his articles on Tractarianism that there was little that was accidental in the location here of these tractarian churches, but that, on the contrary, there existed a powerful tradition, albeit confined to a few families, of High Churchmanship dating from the Jacobitism of the early eighteenth century. 32 The evidence he adduces is not entirely convincing. A study of the Visitation returns for the whole century indicates that by the early nineteenth century at least (returns of 1807) institutions such as monthly communions, more than one service per Sunday, week-day services, and services (sometimes with communion) on the main festivals were pretty common. This reflected not a High Church tradition but a strong evangelical one and was probably as much a response to Methodistical demands for the regularity of the sacrament as an inbred High churchmanship. Moreover, what on the surface appear to be Tractarian innovations on deeper reflection turn out to be unconscious survivals from the Roman Catholic past. It is necessary always to remember the regularity of the sacrament as an inbred High churchmanship. Moreover, what on the surface appear to be Tractarian innovations on deeper reflection turn out to be unconscious survivals from the Roman Catholic past. It is necessary always to remember that religious development always produces its own forms of social competition, and there is no doubt that this provided a powerful motivation in the reconstruction movement. I have illustrated this theme from the history of the rebuilding of the second St. Michael's, and there is no need to amplify here. 33 Nor should one forget that once the physical presence of the Williamses and Gilbertsons had been removed................
................the churches they had built and endowed soon reverted to a more socially acceptable style of public worship. Some differences remained and traditions survived, but they were minor and quite superficial. Today, we can admire and be thankful for the buildings: but buildings alone cannot perpetuate a revolution.
We can therefore understand the true significance of the movement as a whole in the Victorian era. Mainly, I think, it was highly symptomatic of a profound change in the church's conception of itself. It started as a church in a very religious society, the causes of whose religiosity are probably to be found deep in the social changes being endured by the people as a whole, and in organized movements standing outside and often in opposition to it. It had contributed much to the religious life of the county, but the initiatives had moved elsewhere. It had been slow to analyze the nature of its role in a society which demographic and economic forces were rapidly changing, and slow to adapt even when the consequences of these changes became apparent. It ended by being a church virtually on the voluntary principle, and so far as its social role was concerned not very different from that of the chapels. This, after all, was a reflection of the deep community of the region itself. There is something slightly grotesque in the idea that a few wealthy men could come into this ancient county from outside and by introducing a new theology change its nature in a generation or so. Methodism was an indigenous thing: that was its strength, and its values were those of the people among whom it spread. In the end it is people who make theology.
But finally, it ended as a church most beautifully equipped in its fabric. We should think not only of the great architects: of Underwood, Butterfield, Ritchie and Seddon : we should think also of the common people who so readily responded to a religious ideal of decency, modesty, and quiet, assured beauty. Looking at Elerch Church who can fail to see how richly Butterfield must have responded to the genius of the place? Its harmony goes deep and there is a powerful repose in the way that it lies on the land. North Cardiganshire imposes itself on its buildings, and in the end it is people and history that remain.
IEUAN GWYNEDD JONES
I N.L.W., SD/C/119. Draft consecration dated 6 October 1835.
2 On Tractarianism in Wales, see O. W. Jones, Isaac Williams and his circle (London, 1971) and the same author's article 'The Mind of Robert Raikes', journal of the Historical Society of the Church in Wales, XVIII (1968). See also D. Eifion Evans, 'Mudiad Rhydychen yng Ngogledd Sir Aberteifi', ibid., iv (1954), pp. 45f .
3 Quoted in O. W. Jones, op. cit., p. 96.
4 ibid., p. 104.
5 For details of the building and consecration of these churches see N.L.W., SD/C/150 (Llangorwen, 16 December 1841), SD/C/76 (Elerch, 29 June 1868), SD/C/11 (St. Mary's. Aberystwyth, 3 June 1873), SD/C/224 (Penrhyncoch, 14 June 1881), SD/C/8, 9, 11 (Holy Trinity Aberystwyth, 10 August 1886, 29 November 1888 and 31 May 1899).
6 Incorporated Church Building Society, Third Quarterly Report, 1850-1, pp. 11-12.
7 For example, N.L.W., SD/F/330, Llanfihangel-Geneur'-Glyn, 8 May 1884 for Vestry Minute; SD/F/450, Llanychaiarn, Vestry Minutes dated 12 December 1877; SD/F/399, Llanilar, Vestry Minute dated 8 May 1873; SD/F/380, Llangwyryfon, for taking down and entirely removing the old church.
8 David Evans, Adgofion yr Hybarch David Evans Arch-ddiacon Llanelwy (Lampeter, 1904), p. 7.
9 N.L.W., SD/C/120 P.
10 N.L.W., SD/C/13 s (d) and N.L.W., St. Michael's MSS and Documents, and 1807 Visitation Returns (Wardens') where they return that the fabric is in good repair.
11 N.L.W., SD/F/399/M (letter dated 2 April 1874).
12 N.L.W., SD/F/690. Faculty granted 28 December 1897.
13 Most of the townships into which the large parishes of Llanbadarn Fawr, Llanfihangel Geneu'r Glyn and Llanfihangel-y-Creuddyn were divided lost population during the century. Only the townships where lead-mining was an important sector in the economy showed anything like sustained increases; for example Broncastellan, Elerch, Cwm Rheidol, Melindwr, Parsel Canol, the parish of Llanafan, Llanfihangel-y-Creuddyn Uchaf, and Gwnws.
14 Royal Commission on the Church of England and other religious bodies in Wales and Monmouthshire, vol. 6, pp. 29 ff. See also N.L.W., SD/S/10/1 'Statistics of Church Work, Finance and Property for the year 1899-1900'.
15 N.L.W., SD/C/150. Consecration dated 16 December 1841. Among the inhabitants who signed the petition were Matthew Davies Williams of Cwmcynfelin and Wallog, and his son, Rev. Isaac Williams, who gave the land, part of Nantcellan Fawr farm.
16 N.L.W., SD/C/76. Consecration dated 29 June 1868. Among the petitioners were Rev. Lewis Gilbertson, Fellow of Jesus College, Oxford, of Cefn-gwyn, whose family gave the land.
17 N.L.W., SD/C/11. Consecration dated 3 June 1873.
18 N.L.W., SD/C/27. Consecration dated 15 September 1879.
19 N.L.W., SD/C/224. Consecration dated 14 June 1881.
20 N.L.W., SD/C/8-9-10. Consecration of the three main stages of building dated 10 August 1886, 29 November 1888 and 31 May 1899.
21 N.L.W., SD/C/145. Sentence of consecration dated 30 September 1890.
22 N.L.W., SD/OC/49 (Eglwys-fach, dated 27 November 1854); SD/OC/108 (Elerch, dated 14 September 1868); SD/OC/148 (Holy Trinity, dated 12 July 1877); SD/OC/163 (Penrhyncoeh, dated 10 December 1901).
23 N.L.W., SD/S/10/1. See also the series SD/DS, from which the chronology and location of the use of unconsecrated places would appear to be as follows: 1834 Rhydmeirionydd (Llanfihangel Geneu'r Glyn); 1839 Aberystwyth; 1842 Borth; 1862 Elerch; 1863 Penparcau; 1863 Penrhyncoch; 1866 Llanafan; 1870 Llanfihangel-y-Creuddyn; 1876 Borth (again); 1878 Llanychaiarn; 1879 Talybont; 1882 Commins Coch; 1822 Llanddeiniol: 1884 Llanfihangel Geneu'r Glyn.
24 Petition from Rev. D. E. Jones to the Incorporated Church Building Society, dated from Llanafan 27 December 1836, File No. 132225.
25 Seventh Report of the Medical Officer of the Privy Council, with Appendix, Parliamentary Papers, 1865, XXVI. , p. 498.
26 In 1835 the position was as follows: the Bishop exercised the patronage of 4 livings, a vicar of 1, and Brecknock Collegiate Church of 1 ; lay patrons owned the advowsons of 7 livings, and the inhabitants of a Chapelry 1 other. In 1900 the position was as follows: the Bishop was patron of 8 livings, a vicar of 1, ecclesiastical persons of 2, lay persons of 5, and the inhabitants of a chapelry of 1. Royal Commission on the Church of England, vol. 5, p. 190
27 For details of incomes, appropriations etc., consult Ecclesiastical Duties and Revenues Report, P.P., 1835, XXII, Table No. 4, which gives the values etc. as at 31 December 1831. For the ownership of tithes around mid-century see 'Tithes commuted and apportioned ... distinguishing those assigned to Clerical Appropriators ..., P.P., 1848, (298); details for all the parishes can be found in summary form in Ieuan Gwynedd Jones and David Williams, The Religious Census of 1851, A Calendar of the Returns Relating to Wales (Cardiff, 1976), passim.
28 There is evidence that he positively refused to subscribe to the repair of the parish church of Llanbadarn Fawr: see Rev. David Evans, incumbent, to the Incorporated Church Building Society dated from Llanbadarn 28 June 1837. Also, same to same, dated 12 March 1838 where he states that Chichester had not deigned to reply even though the chancel was in a bad state of decay.
29 In 1835, Chichester was the impropriator of Eglwys-fach, Llanafan a'r Trawsgoed, Llanbadarn Fawr, Llanddeiniol, Llanfihangel Geneu'r-glyn, Llanfihangel-y-Creuddyn, Llangwyryfon, Llancynfelin, Llanilar, and Llanychaearn. All these, with the exception of the first and last, were held in plurality.
30 'Return of the amount of Church Rates received and expended by Churchwardens in the years ending Easter 1832, 1839 and 1854', P.P., 1857 (Session 2), XXXII (88), and 'Return of the names of all parishes in cities or parliamentary boroughs ... in which (during the last fifteen years) Church Rates have been refused, and since that time ceased to be collected', P.P., 1856, XLVIII (319).
31 'Returns showing the number of churches ... which have been built or restored at a cost exceeding £500 since 1840', P.P., 1876, LVIII (125 and 125 I).
32 O. W. Jones, op. cit., pp. 92 ff. See also D. Eifion Evans, art. cit..
33 Ieuan Gwynedd Jones, 'Religion and Politics: the Rebuilding of St. Michael's Church Aberystwyth and its Political Consequences'. Ceredigion. Journal of the Ceredigion Antiquarian Society (1973), pp. 117-130.